Get PDF Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity book. Happy reading Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity Pocket Guide.

The indexical value of a classical quotation is that of the communicative code it springs from, that is, the mechanism that associates frames and activities from the classroom setting with a set of structures, pronunciations, expressions and rhetorical conventions learned through exposure to formal education.

It rather seems that particular markers e. A communicative code would then be a mechanism of transduction between intentions at several levels of generality and utterances, and then between utterances and interpretations. These intentions include illocutionary forces at the speech act level, turn-construction functions at the sequential level, overall communicative goals at the situational level, socialindexical meanings, etc.

While linguistic structures are subject to grammatical constraints, the linguistic shaping of utterances is subject to situational constraints. The episodal and speech-act codes affect the specific distribution of these varieties in utterances. For instance, an in-group conversation may need to be coded in both varieties alternately; within the conversation, a given narrative may require the use of one variety predominantly, with possible alternations at speech act boundaries e.

Therefore, individual alternation points may have a meaning, but not all need to; specific alternation points may be directly determined by the overall situational code requiring a pattern of frequent variety alternation. Where such is the case, in informational terms the value of particular alternation points may be close to zero, as the pattern is quite predictable. Correspondingly, switches of communicative codes effected at the various levels of discourse organisation may be undetectable solely from examining the sequential distribution of material in varieties A and B, since passages in either variety may span across several speech acts or activities.

Each utterance or turn is then the alloyed product of merging A-variety material with Bvariety material.

Review: Auer, Code Switching in Conversation

Each utterance, turn or entire discourse thus produces a compound communicative effect and it may be effectively interpreted by participants as a coherent whole on the basis of a coherent code. While atomically i. But, as stated, switching the code need not always correspond with points of variety-alternation.

Switching the code for recontextualisation may entail mobilising a perceptually different amount of material from each variety within a continuum. Likewise, Sgall et al. From this viewpoint, codes organise the materials to be deployed as contextualisation cues. It must be emphasised that, if switching the code is contrastive by nature, contrasts are not only culturally based but discursively situated as well. Further, if contrasts are marked recognisable by participants , they must be empirically accounted for, not just taken for granted.

The layering of speech may be so subtle that the differences between adjacent sequences of discourse where contrastive switches of codes were intended escape an initial structural particularly syntactic inspection. Haugen Perhaps the real question is, is this the real question? Codes transduce communicative intentions into utterances, and utterances into interpretations. Since various codes operate simultaneously and jointly for the production of linguistic material at several levels of discourse organisation situation, activity and speech act , the resulting utterances are inherently polysemic as to the intentions being encoded.

Consequently, we need to examine closely whether or not samples of variety-alternation are indeed the manifestation of switches of communicative codes see also Stroud At least at one level that of footing , one common code channelling negative politeness produces monitored Galizan for neofalantes and monitored Spanish for Galizan-dominants. Perhaps we can thus minimise the imposition of our own interpretive codes upon the innocent, unsuspecting data. Notes I am very grateful to Peter Auer for his comments on a preliminary version, and to Geert Craps for providing me with some initial pointers and suggestions.

Alternatively, conceiving of an integrated repertoire and a unified grammar is a better way to explain why bilingual or monolingual speakers alike resort to subsets of their lexicons to fill lexical gaps in specific styles or registers. Klee ed. Auer, J. Canagarajah, A. Clyne, Michael G. Diebold, A. Eastman, Carol M. Eastman ed. Ervin-Tripp, Susan M. Fano, R. Fries, Charles C. Gumperz, John J. Lunt ed. Gumperz and Dell H. Shuy ed. Dil ed. Gumperz, Stanford: Stanford University Press, — Ferguson and John J. Hymes ed. Heller, Monica S. Gumperz ed. Heller ed. Codeswitching, Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters, — Hensey, Frederik G.

Hill, Jane H. Hockett, Charles F. Jakobson, Roman, Gunnar, M. Reprinted in Selected Writings [of Roman Jakobson]. Major Works, —, Vol. Page references in the text are to the reprinted edition. Lenneberg, E. Mackey, William F. Alatis ed. Lowenberg ed. Nortier, Jacomine M. Pfaff, Carol W. Rampton, M. Ben H. Spanish in the U. Setting: Beyond the Southwest, Rosslyn, Va.

Sobrero, Alberto A. Sobrero ed. Woolard, Kathryn A. Instead of taking the highly codified standard languages of Europe or elsewhere as the starting point, she proposes to move mixed codes, code-switching and other manifestations of linguistic variability and flexibility among bilinguals into the centre of linguistic thinking and theorising, which, up to the present, has been dominated by monolingual views of the human language capacity. Franceschini characterises the dominant research on conversational codeswitching as being focused on functional switching as a strategy which is used mainly by younger, lower-class members of minority groups with a strong ethnic background, who also dispose of the monolingual varieties of the two languages in question.

It may be added that this code-switching is usually a marker of group membership, i. For instance, it may be non-functional i. Similar cases will be discussed in later chapters of this book: see the data presented in Chapters 4, 6, 8 and 9. It is important to note that in Switzerland, codeswitching between Italian and German dialect does not imply full competence in the respective languages, but may be found in speakers who do not dispose of the respective monolingual varieties as well see Chapters 4 and 11 for similar arguments.

Of course, the specific status of Italian in Switzerland contributes in important ways to the types of bilingual behaviour reported by Franceschini. The Italian immigrants in Switzerland profit from the fact that Italian is one of the four constitutional languages of Switzerland and the dominant language in the Ticino. In addition, Italian has behind it a prosperous European country which has an important influence on many prestigious spheres of everyday life fashion, music, furniture, arts, etc.

Although many Italian immigrants in Switzerland are from the Mezzogiorno a region which traditionally upholds a critical cultural distance from the north Italian industrial and commercial centres, including the Swiss Ticino , they themselves and particularly their children have developed a cultural identity which makes use of these cultural assets in skilful ways. There seems at this point to be more and more evidence that CS is a language universal in the behaviour of multilingual speakers, or— to employ a shorthand definition of CS—using several languages or language varieties in the course of a conversation is based on conversation-internal mechanisms observable in various social contexts all over the world.

Furthermore, the functions of CS seem to be widely comparable, even for the most diverse combinations of languages e. ESF a-c, ; Milroy and Muyskens The analysis of CS presupposes clear concepts of what can be taken as a single code or a single language.

However, in dealing with real data, and assuming an emic approach as well as taking the intuition of speakers or groups of speakers into account, these distinctions often become blurred. Data from multilingual African contexts particularly support this view. This step is necessary because linguistic research methodology and its underlying assumptions have resulted in long and sometimes tortuous discussions about what should or should not be considered code-switching vs.

Dealing with bilingual behaviour represents a challenge for linguistic theory and can contribute to the modification of its descriptive and theoretical framework. The point of departure in most linguistic theories continues to be the monolingual, individual speaker who never leaves his or her place of origin and is surrounded by a basically monolingual majority.

Grosjean However, this important empirical evidence has not yet had fundamental consequences in linguistics. Only the pragmatic tradition in linguistics —especially its conversation-oriented and interpretive branch see Gumperz a, b, Auer and di Luzio —as well as typological studies3 have paid some attention to the implications of multilingual behaviour for descriptive and theoretical categories.

In this contribution, we will not regard CS as a supplementary, additional, peripheral behaviour or as an exceptional possibility, but rather will relate CS to a general characteristic of language, i. We shall assume that these two forces fundamentally govern the language system and should no longer be seen as its secondary characteristics. Projected on a single continuum, consistent monolingual practices would then be situated at the ends, as rather exceptional cases, whereas the phenomenon of CS would be situated somewhere in the middle, together with other practices realised in language contact Figure 3.

This perspective is also suggested by our data, which were collected in Switzerland and northern Italy. We shall concentrate on some examples, extracted from actual tape-recorded conversations or based on observation, which can shed light on, for example, CS and its genesis, CS and learnability, CS and loss of functions, etc. We will then widen the perspective by pointing out Figure 3. Moreover, these young people have usually been members of minority groups. There are, however, many speakers or groups of speakers who produce CS but strongly deviate from at least one of these typical features.

We will call them unexpected code-switchers and discuss some problems they pose and the consequences which their behaviour has for our framework. It arises in groups sharing common identities. Consider the following case based on personal observation : At the end of the s, CS could be observed for the first time among Italian adolescents in the suburbs of the mostly SwissGerman-speaking town of Zurich.

CS was a topic frequently discussed by the local Swiss-German inhabitants. At the beginning of the s, code-switching adolescents were also observed in Basel and other larger Swiss towns, such as Solothurn and Bern. CS does not originate in a single linguistic centre. Members of the older group of speakers grew up in a social climate of xenophobic anti-foreign-worker campaigns on the one hand and under the political pressure to assimilate on the other.

This situation by no means favoured the coexistence of two or more languages within an individual speaker. Speakers used their two languages only in socially welldefined situations, if at all. In each situation, only one language was appropriate. In the s, the political climate changed. The aim of assimilation of immigrants was being replaced by the new goal of integration. The relaxation of a formerly wide-spread normative, monolingually oriented attitude, as well as the fact that the dividing lines were blurred, led to the development of a linguistically autonomous way of life fed by more than one language—a way of life which was increasingly admired by the indigenous Swiss-German population.

They became a new in-crowd, and even in public areas, Italian was now spoken loudly and in a self-assured way. A new, ethnically mixed, 7 plural identity arose. CS could be observed especially frequently in public transport, where Italian adolescents had become virtuosos in loud and fast CS conversations.

Shop now and earn 2 points per $1

This brilliant verbal achievement, with frequent intraphrasal CS at its peak of perfection, was strongly marked socially in the early eighties. Adolescent peer groups, who knew how to differentiate themselves by outfit, haircut and gestures, used CS as a code which one of them labelled italo-schwyz. There are, for instance, young speakers who think that CS developed in schoolyards among Italian immigrant children in order to dissociate themselves from other immigrant groups. In example 2, M is speaking to her son.

On the basis of our observations, we presume that they acquired or allowed this type of spoken language in the s. What is especially interesting in examples 1 and 2 is the fact that the speaker does not employ CS in convergence with her son Ma or her daughter Fi. The opposite case can be more frequently observed in the Swiss-German context: children use CS while their parents answer in code choice, Italian or Italian dialect. These speakers are either members of the second generation mentioned above or persons who have acquired CS late: parents who have given up trying to keep the foreign language off their private territory and now allow for the language to change, to the point of even using CS themselves.

Very rapid intra-sentential CS cf. Oesch Serra, this volume. It can be taken over by adult speakers from adolescents, the process of acquisition thus following an unexpected direction, namely from children to adults instead of vice versa. After about ten minutes, a group of young men, obviously friends of the shop assistant, enter the shop. There is nothing unusual about the scene. The group seems to me to be one of many secondgeneration immigrant peer-groups.

In order to exchange my purchase, I go to the same fashion house the following day. I am now served by the owner of the shop, a ca. In the course of our conversation, I am told that the shop assistant I had overheard the previous day is not a second-generation Italian immigrant at all but a Swiss-German. She grew up in a linguistically strongly mixed area of the town and has had Italian friends since her school years. The fact that a difference in the process of CS acquisition does not lead to differences in the surface structure allows us to ask interesting questions previously not considered in depth by CS research, where competence in both languages, and often a good competence, had been seen as a basic prerequisite for CS: CS can be acquired directly, i.

CS in the case mentioned above can be regarded as an independent language that can be acquired directly. Another important aspect of this phenomenon should be pointed out: the dimension of identity is not entirely absent, but can be considerably reduced. Nevertheless, one cannot deny the existence of a general Italophile tendency, not only among adolescents. The adoption of the CS group code by speakers with a Swiss-German background— usage of the minority code from the position of the majority— further blurs the boundaries between an emancipated, self-assured minority on the one hand and a benevolent majority on the other hand.

Here, too, the traditional distinctions between groups and languages become blurred. Having grown up within a multilingual social environment remains the sole common denominator of all these CS speakers. Speakers who acquired their CS competence directly without speaking all the varieties involved separately certainly do not constitute the majority of CS speakers.

However, their existence suggests that there are scenarios of CS for which the current research paradigm has to be expanded considerably. If two languages are closely related such as Italian and its related dialects , attributing elements to a particular code is especially difficult, as has been frequently observed by other researchers. The same applies to other examples in the same Canadian database. Quite often, their competence is equal in both varieties, and sometimes even better in the embedded language.

Especially in first case of Italian, where Italian and dialect intermingle in CS, the differences in competence and status of the languages are no longer unequivocal. In more functional and interactive approaches, it is, on the other hand, difficult to decide for which functions CS is being used. Especially with intrasentential CS, where two closely related varieties are used alternatingly see example 3 , the question often remains unsolved. Calling this kind of use code-mixing15 does not present a satisfactory answer, as the basic problem remains: The speakers do use CS—but what do they do with it?

What are the local conversational purposes? Example 5 serves to illustrate these problems. It is part of a conversation among four to year-old speakers who are all second-generation Italian immigrants. It is also a particularly striking example of CS between Italian and Italian dialects and Swiss-German which is typical of the Swiss-German context described above. Italian elements, as far as they can be clearly distinguished, appear in italics.

P3, P6, P11 and P13 are abbreviations for the speakers involved. In contrast to such functions—which I would label strong functions and which are discussed in almost every study on CS e. Auer — there are more subtle ones including almost free variation. We even have to allow for the case in which CS has no function at all in the local conversational context. Again, it is difficult to assign a function to the switch.

From an internal, emic point of view, grammatical and code boundaries are not treated as pertinent by the speaker. In such cases, the global interactional behaviour is based throughout on CS. And it is with respect to these cases that we can say that CS has come to be used as a consistent code of its own, like another focused language, with all its possible variability. Taking these examples into account, we can broadly describe the phenomenon as a process of grammaticalisation of CS, in which germane and strong functions, which are due for instance to changes in situational contexts, form one end of a continuum, whereas subtle or weak functions are closer to the other end.

The acquisition of CS seems to parallel this continuum from more clear-cut functions to more subtle ones. In such cases, CS even more resembles a code in itself, a language of its own. In many societies, the development never reaches this end, however. Macha As a logical consequence, any linguistic theory should take this flexible, fluctuating behaviour as its point of departure, claiming variability as its basis.

This should be even more radically postulated than it has been done so far by sociolinguists. In this respect, CS resembles interlanguages: both are produced anew in each sociocultural situation and are not stable in time. But in contrast to interlanguages, CS develops group norms and functions, and it expresses group identity.

Furthermore, an L2 cannot be as easily distinguished in CS speech as in interlanguage use. In turn, forms of interactions are shaped by the history of societies. This conformity is passed on as a tradition to the next generation. Consequently, vowels are regularly used in a certain sequence with particular consonants; sequences of phonemes are used in contrast to others in order to differentiate between categories such as definite versus indefinite, singular versus plural; the position of certain units is employed to create a contrast between foreground and background or between question and statement, etc.

Hence, shaping linguistic differences also has an identity function Gumperz b, Le Page and Tabouret-Keller Speakers have the option of moving around in their repertoire broadly speaking, the sum of their codes according to their competence, from more central, i. Franceschini c. In the course of interchanges with other interlocutors, such as parents, playmates, teachers, friends and superiors, as well as through the media, a speaker has learnt how to use codes.

Furthermore, the speaker knows which values, for example values of identity, are transported thereby.

Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity | Translate This Website

Using more or less cognitive effort, she or he can focus on one of the codes. We use the term focus of attention in a weak analogy to its grammatical sense e. A standard focus of attention can be illustrated as in Figure 3. Any linguistic behaviour which focuses on a single, socially clearly recognisable variety corresponds to norms taught at school and thus to more prestigious usage. Many efforts are made in education to render the contours of what in this sense counts as a standard language as transparent as possible. In particular, a variety with the status of a national language has to be used unanimously and cohesively by the major part of the population.

We will call this a monofocus of attention. It gives rise to monolingual production. This also implies that it represents the marked behaviour, that it is acquired by acculturation and imposed by norms even when it is in opposition to natural tendencies of the system. These roles are also used to convey identities. Speakers are more or less free to vary their roles, reflecting different footings with different interlocutors. In the course of an interaction, the focus can change several times, and speakers can take on various roles.

In this framework, CS can be represented as a role a speaker chooses to take on, one role among others. Taking various communicative situations into account, an otherwise CS speaker can also take on the role of a monolingual speaker, monofocusing on, for example, Italian or German. In an interaction, CS speakers use several varieties simultaneously, maintaining this dual focus for a longer period of time, e.

Intra-sentential CS is an example of an especially well-mastered dual focus. This framework makes considerable reference to normative aspects at the individual, group and macrosocial level. For instance, the coexistence of several languages and varieties has to be appreciated socially instead of being fundamentally excluded or stigmatised. The strong association of this framework with normative aspects furthermore predicts that socially well-adjusted people do tend not to use CS; moreover, it suggests that CS is less likely to occur in situations of a more official and prestigious character e.

It also predicts that languages which are not standardised and which exist orally rather than in writing favour the use of CS. Furthermore, the framework predicts that in social situations in which speakers of different languages are hostile towards each other for social or political reasons , CS is less easy. On the other hand, it predicts that CS is a socially less stigmatised behaviour, even an unmarked choice, in situations where few cultural and identity differences are attributed to varieties. This is for instance the case of Italian and dialect, but it also applies to those cases in which the acquisition of CS overrides the boundary of the original ethnic group see the example of the shop assistant.

But similar to variability, CS still appears to be rather difficult to handle. CS therefore reminds us of the need for a theory of language use in interaction. Let us hypothesise for a moment the utopian idea that linguistics had been developed in Africa or in Pacific countries where multilingualism is more self-evident: perhaps multilingualism would then have been seen as more fundamental for the architecture of linguistic theory.

Above all, we need to widen our horizons: variation, languages in contact, flexibility and the urge of individuals to differ from each other could serve as cornerstones. Within this interrelation of forces, linguistic functions are developed which shape the platform of everyday interaction. The locally accomplished interaction is therefore related to the historical evolution of societies and to the ways in which they tackle the need for linguistic differentiation.

Thus, CS transports social as well as linguistic information Eastman What concrete suggestions for future research can we offer? There is, for instance, the diachronic dimension of CS, its relation to language changes in individuals a phase in language attrition? Furthermore, longitudinal studies of various kinds are needed to look at the learnability of CS and the persistence of its use by groups of speakers. Finally, variation and style of CS within an individual as well as CS styles within and between groups could be valuable subjects for future studies.

Norms refer to habitual forms of action of groups of different kinds a peer group, a family, or a professional group, a nation and are subject to more or less rapid change. Permeability refers to the possibility for members to choose between norms, which presupposes that norms can be treated as open to others. Outside of the Italian-speaking part of Switzerland, the prestige of Italian was negatively affected by its being largely used by immigrant workers.

Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi and Piazza The range of variation of italo-schwyz consists of Swiss-German i. Sometimes, standard German is involved, too, and is then mostly used for single, isolated elements or in quotations. Both of them are also fluent in SwissGerman. In contrast to their mother, who freely uses CS at home and in informal situations, the daughter and son prefer a clear language choice. When their mother is not present they seem to speak Swiss-German.

The linguistic behaviour of these three speakers could imply that CS had not been the primary code of communication between mother and children, but that it was acquired later on by the mother. Their multilingual speech is characterised by brief insertions from Swiss -German into their Italian speech, such as designations of schools e. Known as one of the phenomena of language contact cf.

Weinreich and often described in extensive taxonomies, which are restricted to single lexemes, these brief conversational insertions can also be regarded as a diachronic phenomenon preceding or even triggering CS. Thus, CS can be seen as a factor influencing the direction of language change cf. Franceschini and a. Berruto ; Alfonzetti and this volume; Sobrero , ; and Giacalone Ramat with a wide-ranging bibliography on CS within Italian varieties. Preziosa Di Quinzio The transcription of the data, which does not clearly represent overlapping turns, was only slightly changed.

The concept of contextualisation cues has considerably widened the variable part of a language system however for an introduction see Auer , and Auer and di Luzio A variety is a subset of any code, variability being a pervasive characteristic of all codes. As proposed by this framework, this must be regarded as a marginal, highly exceptional case which presupposes interactants who precisely and continually share the same focus.

It presupposes, too, isolation from external influences and probably also mental inflexibility.

Code-switching

This hypothetical case is rightly put in a marginal place. This rather extraordinary case is that of the Swiss-German shop assistant discussed above. A language learner producing CS has a dual focus where one language is somewhat more peripheral.


  1. Chairman Mao: Education of the Proletariat.
  2. Related articles?
  3. Diodore of Tarsus: Commentary of Psalms 1-51 (Writings from the Greco-Roman World);
  4. Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity - CRC Press Book.

Bibliography Alfonzetti, G. Andersen, R. Arends, J. Auer, P. Bentahila, A. Berruto, G. Cortelazzo and M. Bickerton, D. Canegrati, G. Cavalli-Sforza, L. Clyne, M. Dik, S. Dittmar, N. Eastman, C. Franceschini, R. Quaderni del dipartimento di linguistica e letterature comparate, Bergamo, 1, n. Henn-Memmesheimer ed. Franceschini ed. Gardner-Chloros, P. Giacalone Ramat, A. Grosjean, F. An Introduction to Bilingualism, Cambridge, Mass. Hewitt, R. Heller, M. Klein, W. Labov, W. Le Page, R. Jahr ed. Fishman, A. Tabouret-Keller, M. Clyne et al. Macha, J. McLaughlin, B. Milroy, L. Myers-Scotton, C. Pfaff, C.

Pizzolotto, G. Italiano e commutazione di codice in un gruppo di giovani, Bern: Lang. Poplack, S. Preziosa Di Quinzio, I.

Sociolinguistic : Code-Switching

Sankoff, D. Sobrero, A. Tabouret-Keller, A. Weinrich, U. In other words, for Fano 'switching code' 'code-switching'. Why and how 'switching-code' 'certain sounds or arrangements of sound in the alien dialect the 1exica1ised 'code-switching' has come to subsume a number of forms of come to be coded automatically into the proper sounds or combinations of presumably bilingual behaviour is a long story, whose complete plot escapes sounds in the listener's own dialect, and the intended word is recognised me.

But the third thread of scholarly research bilingual studies is probably by assembling the latter' In the following diagram, the possible switches Initially, work on bilingualism Haugen a, b; Weinreich ; are represented by horizontal arrows: Vogt ; Diebo1d seemed to have been oblivious to the incipient conception of languages as 'having' a code. For this line of research, it 'transfer' Mackey , ; C1yne The turn toward a functional, interactiona1 view of 'code-switching' was The first explicit mention of 'code-switching' is found in Vogt : initiated by Gumperz in his work on social dialectology in India Gumperz 'Code-switching in itself is perhaps not a linguistic phenomenon, but rather 1 , , , a, b; Gumperz and Naim Although a psychological one, and its causes are obviously extra-linguistic' Gumperz asserts personal communication, that he took the notion of For instance, Gumperz's account of stages in diffusion', together with 'interference' and 'integration'.

In 'Types of linguistic communities' , of the pre-existence of two or more distinct languages from which Gumperz's concern is to relate the functions of specific 'codes' from an speakers draw in order to produce 'code-switched' or 'mixed' output Pfaff integrated societal 'code matrix' to specific 'communication roles' within ; Lenneberg's 'code-mixing', ; Clyne's 'mixed grammar', , a society's 'communication matrix'.

In this respect, codes or 'subcodes' regardless of whether the linguistic input itself is 'mixed' or not e. Significantly, the maintenance or disappearance of Hensey The ample and where 'code-switching' consists mostly of the mobilisation of some lexical, controversial work on 'grammatical constraints' on switching, which escapes morphological or prosodic markers.

For 'code-switching'. Is syntax suspended only in native codes may be vernaculars or superposed varieties. Can there exist a code-switching or monolingual as free variants or optional variants within a code, that is, two sequence of acceptable discourse without a syntax? At any rate, the nature of 'code-switching constraints', which work in Ervin-Tripp []: 90; emphases in the original terms of tendencies rather than categorical rules, does not seem different from the nature of stylistic co-occurrence constraints on monolingual speech.


  • Phenomenology in Perspective;
  • The Price of Politics (With a New Afterword);
  • Intercultural Discourse and Communication: The Essential Readings (Linguistics: The Essential Readings)?
  • VietnamWar.
  • Code-Switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity!
  • Staten Island: A Walk Down Memory Lane?
  • IQ If this is so, the psychological mechanism an unambiguous, one-to-one system of transduction between sets of of 'triggering' Clyne , , which is the basis of co-occurrence signals. This is explicit, among others, in Gumperz's work on ently specific nature of 'code-switching'. Where two or more 'languages' to formal education.

    In one of the cases discussed, ways from one system to another. We might say that at given points speakers seem to be 'speaking Galizan in Spanish', or vice versa; but, importantly, neither 'Galizan' nor 'Spanish' per se match strictly 6 The pragmatics of 'code-switching' any of the communicative codes listed. The boundaries between the 'codes', however, often remain unclear. It rather seems that particular markers e. Since codes are directly connected to internal code-switches. For instance, an in-group conversation may need to be coded in both change or local identities are reconfigured in spite of a single language varieties alternately; within the conversation, a given narrative may require variety being used?

    Where I am trying to recapture part of the original meaning of codes as mechanisms such is the case, in informational terms the value of particular alternation of transduction. These intentions include of discourse organisation may be undetectable solely from examining the illocutionary forces at the speech act level, turn-construction functions at sequential distribution of material in varieties A and B, since passages in the sequential level, overall communicative goals at the situational level, either variety may span across several speech acts or activities.

    Each utterance where the same variety is used across an activity boundary. The following or turn is then the alloyed product of merging A-variety material with is a simplified representation of the four possibilities in discourse: B-variety material. Finally, switching the code may also manifest itself in the mobilisation of a single speech marker within the linguistic continuum, which comes to 8 Switching the code as recontextualisation symbolise a socially recognised variety, such as the use of ;,no?

    In this case, variety-alternation could be regarded as both a 'other-language' lexical items such as English terms in Tamil vendors' 'final' and an 'initial' 28 contextualisation cue. For example, when repeated alternations constitute a It must be emphasised that, if switching the code is contrastive by nature, 'recurrent' cue that points to a given episode or invoked social identity, contrasts are not only culturally based but discursively situated as well.

    Code switches are A-variety and B-variety material in discourse. I believe it is about time to steer away continua. Switching the code for recontextualisation may entail mobilising from one of the main concerns of the research on 'bilingual behaviour' and a perceptually different amount of material from each variety within a 'code-switching', explicitly stated by Haugen: continuum.

    For Rodriguez-Yaiiez ; see particularly pp. Likewise, Sgall et al. To what extent do materials in 'language A' or 'language 18ff. Usually, when the 'new speaker' switches the code distinguish between the linguistic material present in utterances linguistic toward positive politeness and produces mixed speech, the Galizan-dominant varieties and the associative mechanisms which underlie their production introduces Galizan material as well.

    Therefore, symbolically 'Galizan' and communicative codes. Codes transduce communicative intentions into 'Spanish' occupy the same socio-semiotic territory vis-a-vis 'mixed speech', utterances, and utterances into interpretations. Since various codes operate and language divergence becomes the suiface-Ievel manifestation ofa shared simultaneously and jointly for the production of linguistic material at several communicative code. Perhaps coherence constraints. Consequently, we need to examine closely whether we can thus minimise the imposition of our own interpretive codes upon or not samples of variety-alternation are indeed the manifestation of switches the innocent, unsuspecting data.

    This lation. I thus propose that the scope of 'code-switching' be simultaneously chapter has also benefited from observations by Xoan Paulo Rodriguez-Yafiez, Susan a narrowed in order to exclude socially or interactionally meaningless Ervin-Tripp and John Gumperz. If, as Eastman states, '[w]here people use a 3 Sketchy references to the language as a 'code' were already present in de mixed language regularly, codeswitching [i. However, it remains unclear whether to de sation. For one thing, language in another, so that there is no longer either switching or overlapping, since a single variety may be generated by more than one code, and since two except in a historical sense' Haugen Only now do such fascinating problems as those of ways and in Catalonia Woolard , or by Alvarez-Ciccamo in Galiza.

    There is no possible way to predict which type Groups, Stanford : Stanford University Press, pp. Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, February 1 , 1 This occurs mostly with Dutch nouns switched Society, Not having proven that Alvarez-C:iccamo, Celso 'Language revival, code manipulation and social these 'switched nouns' belong either to Dutch or to Arabic, Nortier goes at power in Galiza : Off-record uses of Spanish in formal communicative events', in great lengths to explain the phenomenon as noted.

    Carol A. Klee ed. Still in keeping with a separate-language view, Mahootian applies X-bar ment in reported speech', Journal of Pragmatics 25, 1: Peter 'A discussion paper on code alternation', paper presented involved in the production of codeswitched sequences strongly indicate that at the First Conference of the European Network on Code-Switching on Concepts, bilingual speech behaviour and monolingual behaviour are identical' Methodology and Data, Basel, Switzerland, January Canagarajah, A.

    Chicanos' 'shifting' between the two 'languages' to fill lexical gaps. For instance, a computerised speech decoder must be able to switch between the parameter sets of various speakers in order to understand the speech of more than one individual, each of which exhibits characteristic idiosyncratic features e. Alvarez-Caccamo criticises the more recent work on code-switching for equating 'codes' with linguistic 'varieties' languages, dialects, etc. In this way, the scope of code-switching is widened to include 'non-meaningful' switching which is excluded in 2 Jakobson's version because his 'switching code' has to do with expressing intentions and interpreting utterances.

    In fact, redefinitions of the situation, different 'footings', recontextualisations or reframings, are frequent indeed in all kinds communicative codes of sociolinguistic contexts, not only in bilingual ones. If Jakobson's notion of switching codes is taken seriously, this means that all sets of co-occurring features or even a single feature that can be used for such a purpose must Celso Alvarez-Caccamo be considered to be a code. In fact, the notion of a 'code' then comes very close to that of a 'contextualisation cue' in the sense of John Gumperz A good case in point is reported speech see Alvarez-Cliccamo and, 1 Introduction by extension, all cases of polyphony in the Bakhtinian sense see Chapters 12 and 13 in this volume.

    In bilingual conversations, a standard switching' has experienced the characteristic multiplication, fragmentation way of staging another person's speech is by switching the language, not and metamorphosis that a conceptually rich term is prone to experience necessarily in the direction of the original utterance see Chapters 8 and consider, in this respect, the history of 'diglossia' or 'speech act'.! The In a sense, 'code-switching' research seems to be at a crossroads. In this line, speech varieties have been mechanistically associated with 'codes'.

    That is, if codes do not contrast, can we maintain that they are indeed distinct codes? Given the different natures of 'unmarked' and 'marked' code-switching, are we witnessing two distinct phenomena? Or is something missing in the way 'code-switching' is currently conceptualised? Jakobson adapts the notion of bilingual contact studies, to current conversational and anthropological work 'switching code' to the change a monolingual or bilingual speaker must on the phenomenon.

    The connecting thread in this work is the need to return to Obviously such a task of deciphering becomes more difficult in the a communicative view of codes, here regarded as systems of transduction frequent cases called 'switching code' by communication engineers between two sets of signals: at the one end, communicative intentions, and or 'coexistent phonemic systems' by linguists. In cracy of the last century with its bi-lingual speech - switching this vein, I suggest that a clearer conceptual distinction between 'linguistic continually from Russian to French and vice versa even within a variety' in its broadest sense and 'communicative code' is crucial for single sentence - provides a striking illustration.

    Jakobson, Fant and Halle 2 The origins Significantly, Jakobson continues: 'Two styles of the same language may have divergent codes and be deliberately interlinked within one utterance Three research trends converge in the consolidation of 'code-switching' or even one sentence' ibid. The maker of an initial synthesis is, recognisably, Jakobson, not This view is strictly faithful to Fano's discussion of speech codes and exactly in his 'Linguistics and communication theory', but quite a few communication: years earlier, in his work with Fant and Halle Jakobson, Fant and Halle There Jakobson refers to the phenomenon of 'switching code', based Spectrographic analysis has indicated that the different speech on Fano's work on infonnation theory, and on Fries and Pike's sounds used by any one speaker have easily distinguishable on 'coexistent phonemic systems'.


    1. Summer Express (between grades 5 & 6).
    2. Citation metadata.
    3. Top Authors.
    4. Constructional Reorganization (Constructional Approaches to Language).

    This strate, and argue abundantly, that 'two or more phonemic systems may does not seem to be true for speech sounds used by different coexist in the speech of a monolingual' Evidence presented is speakers. If we consider these frequency patterns as code groups, the existence of phonemes alien to what would seem to be the speaker's it appears that different speakers use, in a sense, somewhat different system, for example Mazatec phonemes in loanwords into Spanish. Fries codes. These codes are stored in the brain of the listener who uses and Pike not only deal with bilingual speech, but postulate the existence of in each case the appropriate code.

    New codes are continually learned four basic types of 'coexistent phonological systems' in vernacular whenever new people are met, particularly people belonging to languages. This point of view is in agreement with style, or speed' Fries and Pike 49 is particularly interesting, as it the observation that our ability to understand and the effort required points to Gumperz's notion of 'changes in pitch register' as a type to understand depends on our familiarity with the speaker's voice. In a In addition, we are often conscious of 'switching code' in our brain, similar line, and around the same time, Hoijer established the pair particularly when a change of language takes place.

    None of these works, however, refers explicitly to are not the speech material itself. In other words, for Fano 'switching code' 'code-switching'. Why and how 'switching-code' 'certain sounds or arrangements of sound in the alien dialect the 1exica1ised 'code-switching' has come to subsume a number of forms of come to be coded automatically into the proper sounds or combinations of presumably bilingual behaviour is a long story, whose complete plot escapes sounds in the listener's own dialect, and the intended word is recognised me.

    But the third thread of scholarly research bilingual studies is probably by assembling the latter' In the following diagram, the possible switches Initially, work on bilingualism Haugen a, b; Weinreich ; are represented by horizontal arrows: Vogt ; Diebo1d seemed to have been oblivious to the incipient conception of languages as 'having' a code. For this line of research, it 'transfer' Mackey , ; C1yne The turn toward a functional, interactiona1 view of 'code-switching' was The first explicit mention of 'code-switching' is found in Vogt : initiated by Gumperz in his work on social dialectology in India Gumperz 'Code-switching in itself is perhaps not a linguistic phenomenon, but rather 1 , , , a, b; Gumperz and Naim Although a psychological one, and its causes are obviously extra-linguistic' Gumperz asserts personal communication, that he took the notion of For instance, Gumperz's account of stages in diffusion', together with 'interference' and 'integration'.

    In 'Types of linguistic communities' , of the pre-existence of two or more distinct languages from which Gumperz's concern is to relate the functions of specific 'codes' from an speakers draw in order to produce 'code-switched' or 'mixed' output Pfaff integrated societal 'code matrix' to specific 'communication roles' within ; Lenneberg's 'code-mixing', ; Clyne's 'mixed grammar', , a society's 'communication matrix'.

    In this respect, codes or 'subcodes' regardless of whether the linguistic input itself is 'mixed' or not e. Significantly, the maintenance or disappearance of Hensey The ample and where 'code-switching' consists mostly of the mobilisation of some lexical, controversial work on 'grammatical constraints' on switching, which escapes morphological or prosodic markers. For 'code-switching'. Is syntax suspended only in native codes may be vernaculars or superposed varieties. Can there exist a code-switching or monolingual as free variants or optional variants within a code, that is, two sequence of acceptable discourse without a syntax?

    At any rate, the nature of 'code-switching constraints', which work in Ervin-Tripp []: 90; emphases in the original terms of tendencies rather than categorical rules, does not seem different from the nature of stylistic co-occurrence constraints on monolingual speech. IQ If this is so, the psychological mechanism an unambiguous, one-to-one system of transduction between sets of of 'triggering' Clyne , , which is the basis of co-occurrence signals. This is explicit, among others, in Gumperz's work on ently specific nature of 'code-switching'.

    Where two or more 'languages' to formal education. In one of the cases discussed, ways from one system to another. We might say that at given points speakers seem to be 'speaking Galizan in Spanish', or vice versa; but, importantly, neither 'Galizan' nor 'Spanish' per se match strictly 6 The pragmatics of 'code-switching' any of the communicative codes listed. The boundaries between the 'codes', however, often remain unclear.

    It rather seems that particular markers e. Since codes are directly connected to internal code-switches. For instance, an in-group conversation may need to be coded in both change or local identities are reconfigured in spite of a single language varieties alternately; within the conversation, a given narrative may require variety being used? Where I am trying to recapture part of the original meaning of codes as mechanisms such is the case, in informational terms the value of particular alternation of transduction.

    These intentions include of discourse organisation may be undetectable solely from examining the illocutionary forces at the speech act level, turn-construction functions at sequential distribution of material in varieties A and B, since passages in the sequential level, overall communicative goals at the situational level, either variety may span across several speech acts or activities. Each utterance where the same variety is used across an activity boundary.

    Navigation menu

    The following or turn is then the alloyed product of merging A-variety material with is a simplified representation of the four possibilities in discourse: B-variety material. Finally, switching the code may also manifest itself in the mobilisation of a single speech marker within the linguistic continuum, which comes to 8 Switching the code as recontextualisation symbolise a socially recognised variety, such as the use of ;,no?

    In this case, variety-alternation could be regarded as both a 'other-language' lexical items such as English terms in Tamil vendors' 'final' and an 'initial' 28 contextualisation cue. For example, when repeated alternations constitute a It must be emphasised that, if switching the code is contrastive by nature, 'recurrent' cue that points to a given episode or invoked social identity, contrasts are not only culturally based but discursively situated as well.

    Code switches are A-variety and B-variety material in discourse.